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Moving from one job to another can be good for productivity. In fact, policymakers should promote employment mobility—especially among the young, women, and highly skilled workers, suggests research by the Central Bank of Chile’s Elías Albagli, Matías Tapia, and Juan Wlasiuk; UCLA PhD student Mario Canales; and Chicago Booth’s Chad Syverson.
To study how the reallocation of different worker groups influences aggregate productivity, the researchers drew on two main data sources: 2005–16 tax records from the Chilean tax authority, SII, which provided detailed company financial records; and labor compensation reports that local businesses file each year showing worker pay. The researchers used these to build a monthly matched employer-employee dataset that offered a look at individual employees’ job status, earnings, and transitions between jobs. They also obtained a breakdown of workers by gender and birth dates from the Chilean Civil Registry and Identification Service and matched it to the SII data.
Chile’s economy offers some useful features to job-market researchers. It ranks the highest in labor turnover among countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, with large private-sector rates of job creation and destruction and relatively frequent job-hopping among individual workers. Its small, open economy is also highly exposed to price shocks, particularly in commodities. Along with technological change, this has led to significant labor reallocation across Chilean businesses and sectors.
The researchers tracked individual workers’ job histories on a monthly basis and computed company-level productivity across all economic sectors annually. This provided a detailed look at how differences in the flow of workers between companies resulted in productivity gaps among them and influenced aggregate productivity.
The study produced three notable findings. First, only about half of job changes moved workers from companies with relatively low productivity to those with higher levels. While the net result of the labor reallocation was toward higher-productivity companies, that trend hid a high level of job churn whose productivity implications mostly canceled out.
Second, although the overall flow of job reallocation looked almost random, the researchers determined that workers who moved from one job directly to another were more likely to go up the productivity ladder than workers who passed through periods of unemployment. This is consistent with the standard theory that workers who search for new positions while still employed tend to find the sorts of new jobs that are more commonly available at higher-productivity companies.
Lastly, Chile’s productivity gains from job transitions were due largely to the movement of a relatively narrow set of workers. Transitions from low- to high-productivity jobs were not on average spread equally among demographic groups, the researchers find. Rather, job changes among younger workers, women, and those who earned high wages relative to others the same age were relatively more likely to boost productivity—and accounted for the lion’s share of productivity gains in the economy, according to the study. The net contributions of other large groups were modest or even negative. And workers who changed jobs most often contributed proportionally little to overall productivity growth.
The research suggests that it’s not enough merely to encourage all workers to change jobs. Increasing output necessarily involves promoting employment mobility among the set of workers most likely to hop to newly formed businesses that are growing and hiring—something policymakers could do by making pensions and healthcare benefits portable, easing access to childcare, and, where appropriate, lowering entry barriers that are based on age and credentials.
Elías Albagli, Mario Canales, Chad Syverson, Matías Tapia, and Juan Wlasiuk, “Productivity Growth and Workers’ Job Transitions: Evidence from Censal Microdata,” Economic Journal, September 2024.
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